The Minnesota football team is boycotting its university by
not participating in practice. Their goal is to reinstate players whom they believe
the university has unjustly suspended in a sexual assault case.
This action speaks volumes about the future of the American
labor movement. But how?
The incoming Congress and President will likely push for a
national right-to-work law. This will hurt unions in their ability collect dues.
But that’s just a start.
The Department of Labor will harass labor leaders for
financial filings (already required but likely to intensify, and with greater
penalties).
Public sector unions will face threats to their existence
(see Wisconsin for an example).
Davis-Bacon, a law that requires union wages to be paid on
federally funded jobs, will be repealed or scaled back.
States are enacting harsh antiunion laws. In late November,
Michigan’s House of Representatives passed a bill that criminalizes union
protests.
What do these developments have to do with Minnesota’s
football team? First, recall that Northwestern University football
players sought to unionize. The NLRB ruled that it has no jurisdiction over
NCAA athletics (a good call). Now, if college football were subject to the National
Labor Relations Act, college football players could only strike for wages,
hours, and terms and conditions of employment. They would also have a no strike
clause. Instead of walking out, they would be required to file a grievance and
go to arbitration.
If they boycotted a football game, the university would take
them to court and seek an injunction to enforce the terms of their labor
agreement. The court would almost surely
order an injunction. If players violated the order, they would be subject to
fines and imprisonment.
But that’s not how things will play out at Minnesota. The players have
much more leverage by NOT having collective bargaining. They can
boycott. They can cause cancellation of a bowl game. And after they do all
that, they can do more damage—for example, agree in concert not to meet and
greet incoming recruits.
And consider the secondary boycott, a very potent union weapon that was outlawed in 1947 by the Taft-Hartley Act. Minnesota could take its cause to the football championship and get other teams to boycott. That would be enjoined by a court under collective bargaining-- but not so in the unregulated environment for college football.
And consider the secondary boycott, a very potent union weapon that was outlawed in 1947 by the Taft-Hartley Act. Minnesota could take its cause to the football championship and get other teams to boycott. That would be enjoined by a court under collective bargaining-- but not so in the unregulated environment for college football.
I made these and
similar arguments in my article, “How a ‘Labor Dispute’ Would Help the NCAA”
(University of Chicago Law Review, 2014, https://lawreview.uchicago.edu/page/how-%E2%80%9Clabor-dispute%E2%80%9D-would-help-ncaa).
Now, back to the U.S. labor movement.
Collective bargaining is going to become very expensive and
with few benefits for some unions, especially those who have little bargaining
power. They will
increasingly forsake collective bargaining and its strictures for the type of
disruptive activities that are going on with Minnesota football.
Want evidence? Look
at the Fight for $15, which features quickie strikes by fast food workers, generally
to good effect for their cause.
For perspective, think about the NFL lockout in 2011. Who
went to court to enforce the rules surrounding the National Labor Relations
Act? Roger Goodell and the NFL. Who folded the union and said they were done
with collective bargaining? The football players/employees who concluded they had
much more to gain outside of collective bargaining than taking concessions at
the bargaining table.
Collective bargaining is great for employers. It’s bad for
employees. And some employees have better options outside of negotiating labor
agreements.
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