The
president’s attacks on four dark-skinned congresswomen rekindles debates in the
Senate in 1866. Radical Republicans (like progressive Democrats) wanted full
civil rights for blacks. This was trickier than you
might imagine.
Democrats
(similar to the GOP today) had two counter-strategies.
First,
they thought that this matter should be decided by voters, not Congress (in
most states in 1866, only whites had the right to vote).
Second, Democrats used
the fallback position of conceding that slavery was abolished but no further
legislation was justified after the Civil War. This would leave the status of freed
blacks better than property (which the Supreme Court declared they were a
decade earlier in Dred Scott) but in a legal vacuum that would reduce them to
serfs.
The
Radical Republicans devised a clever counter-move. Avoid this discussion.
Instead, pass three constitutional amendments: 13th (abolish
slavery); 14th (creates birthright citizenship); and 15th
(allows the right to vote regardless of race or color).
Now come
back to birthright citizenship: “all
persons born or naturalized in the United States and subject to the
jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of
the United States and of the State wherein they reside.”
Radical Republicans
said that all slaves born in the U.S. were made citizens by passage of
this amendment. (The African slave trade to the U.S. was abolished by federal law in 1808, with a large slave population already in the U.S.)
In 2019, white nationalist policy makers and lawyers refuse to concede that this is a settled question. They say the phrase “subject
to the jurisdiction thereof” means that each state must vote on whether someone
born or naturalized in the U.S. is a citizen.
They are
completely wrong. Congress used this phrase to exclude Indians as citizens
because they were born in the U.S. and were members of sovereign tribes (plus,
Congress had no stomach to make Indians U.S. citizens in 1866).
Back to
the congresswomen, with a focus on Ilahn Omar and Ayanna Pressley. Rep. Omar is a
naturalized citizen. But according to the theory of "jurisdiction thereof," Mississippi and Alabama might vote to limit naturalization by excluding people who were born in Somalia and later naturalized.
Not
implausible. Examples: Deny Somalian-Americans a license or voter registration
or access to public schools.
What
about Rep. Ayanna Pressley? She was born in the U.S. There is no question about her citizenship, right?
Depending how far the
current tweeting combines racism and citizenship, white nationalist politicians
can return to the argument that was settled in 1866 by saying (for example): “We, the people
of Alabama, did not ever consent to the citizenship of blacks.”
If this
sounds fanciful, read Citizenship without
Consent (1985), authored by two Yale professors (one of whom recently
said that President Obama should be impeached for his DACA policy).
Radical
Republicans understood that many American politicians equally despised blacks and dark-skinned
immigrants. That is why they carefully used the words “all persons born
in the United States”— not “all white persons,” and not “all persons born
to U.S. citizens.”
If
history is any guide, we should not assume that all U.S. born blacks always will
be regarded everywhere in the U.S. as American citizens.
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